WASHINGTON (AP) — Record-low mortgages below 3% are long gone. Credit card rates will likely rise. So will the cost of an auto loan. Savers may finally receive a yield high enough to top inflation.

The substantial half-point hike in its benchmark short-term rate that the Federal Reserve announced Wednesday won’t, by itself, have much immediate effect on most Americans’ finances. But additional large hikes are expected to be announced at the Fed’s next two meetings, in June and July, and economists and investors foresee the fastest pace of rate increases since 1989.

The result could be much higher borrowing costs for households well into the future as the Fed fights the most painfully high inflation in four decades and ends a decades-long era of historically low rates.

Chair Jerome Powell hopes that by making borrowing more expensive, the Fed will succeed in cooling demand for homes, cars and other goods and services and thereby slow inflation.

Yet the risks are high. With inflation likely to stay elevated, the Fed may have to drive borrowing costs even higher than it now expects. Doing so could tip the U.S. economy into recession.

Here are some questions and answers about what the rate hikes could mean for consumers and businesses:

I’M CONSIDERING BUYING A HOUSE. WILL MORTGAGE RATES KEEP GOING UP?

Rates on home loans have soared in the past few months, mostly in anticipation of the Fed’s moves, and will probably keep rising.

Mortgage rates don’t necessarily move up in tandem with the Fed’s rate increases. Sometimes, they even move in the opposite direction. Long-term mortgages tend to track the yield on the 10-year Treasury note, which, in turn, is influenced by a variety of factors. These include investors’ expectations for future inflation and global demand for U.S. Treasurys.

For now, though, faster inflation and strong U.S. economic growth are sending the 10-year Treasury rate up sharply. As a consequence, mortgage rates have jumped 2 full percentage points just since the year began, to 5.1% on average for a 30-year fixed mortgage, according to Freddie Mac.

In part, the jump in mortgage rates reflects expectations that the Fed will keep raising its key rate. But its forthcoming hikes aren’t likely fully priced in yet. If the Fed jacks up its key rate to as high as 3.5% by mid-2023, as many economists expect, the 10-year Treasury yield will go much higher, too, and mortgages will become more expensive.

If you’re looking to buy a home and are frustrated by the lack of available houses, which has triggered bidding wars and eye-watering prices, that’s unlikely to change anytime soon.

Economists say that higher mortgage rates will discourage some would-be purchasers. And average home prices, which have been soaring at about a 20% annual rate, could at least rise at a slower pace.

The surge in mortgage rates “will temper the pace of home price appreciation as more would-be homebuyers are priced out,” said Greg McBride, chief financial analyst for Bankrate.

Still, the number of available homes remains historically low, a trend that will likely frustrate buyers and keep prices high.

Fed rate hikes can make auto loans more expensive. But other factors also affect these rates, including competition among car makers that can sometimes lower borrowing costs.

Rates for buyers with lower credit ratings are most likely to rise as a result of the Fed’s hikes, said Alex Yurchenko, chief data officer for Black Book, which monitors U.S. vehicle prices. Because used vehicle prices, on average, are rising, monthly payments will rise too.

For now, new-vehicle loans average about 4.5%. Used-vehicle rates are about 5%.

For users of credit cards, home equity lines of credit and other variable-interest debt, rates would rise by roughly the same amount as the Fed hike, usually within one or two billing cycles. That’s because those rates are based in part on banks’ prime rate, which moves in tandem with the Fed.

Those who don’t qualify for low-rate credit cards might be stuck paying higher interest on their balances. The rates on their cards would rise as the prime rate does.

Should the Fed decide to raise rates by 2 percentage points or more over the next two years — a distinct possibility — that would significantly enlarge interest payments.

WILL I BE ABLE TO EARN MORE ON MY SAVINGS?

Probably, though not likely by very much. And it depends on where your savings, if you have any, are parked.

Savings, certificates of deposit and money market accounts don’t typically track the Fed’s changes. Instead, banks tend to capitalize on a higher-rate environment to try to increase their profits. They do so by imposing higher rates on borrowers, without necessarily offering any juicer rates to savers.

This is particularly true for large banks now. They’ve been flooded with savings as a result of government financial aid and reduced spending by many wealthier Americans during the pandemic. They won’t need to raise savings rates to attract more deposits or CD buyers.

But online banks and others with high-yield savings accounts could be an exception. These accounts are known for aggressively competing for depositors. The only catch is that they typically require significant deposits.

Still, savers are starting to see some better potential returns from Treasurys. On Tuesday, the yield on the 10-year note was 2.96%, after having briefly topped 3% for the first time since 2018.

Financial markets expect inflation to average 2.83% over 10 years. That level would give investors a positive, if very small, return of about 0.13%.

“All of a sudden, we end up in this position where fixed income is way more competitive than it was before,” said Jason Pride, chief investment officer for Private Wealth at Glenmede.

WASHINGTON (AP) — Record-low mortgages below 3% are long gone. Credit card rates will likely rise. So will the cost of an auto loan. Savers may finally receive a yield high enough to top inflation.The substantial half-point hike in its benchmark short-term rate that the Federal Reserve announced Wednesday won’t, by itself, have much immediate effect on most Americans’ finances. But additional large hikes are expected to be announced at the Fed’s next two meetings, in June and July, and economists and investors foresee the fastest pace of rate increases since 1989.The result could be much higher borrowing costs for households well into the future as the Fed fights the most painfully high inflation in four decades and ends a decades-long era of historically low rates.Chair Jerome Powell hopes that by making borrowing more expensive, the Fed will succeed in cooling demand for homes, cars and other goods and services and thereby slow inflation.Yet the risks are high. With inflation likely to stay elevated, the Fed may have to drive borrowing costs even higher than it now expects. Doing so could tip the U.S. economy into recession.Here are some questions and answers about what the rate hikes could mean for consumers and businesses:___I’M CONSIDERING BUYING A HOUSE. WILL MORTGAGE RATES KEEP GOING UP?Rates on home loans have soared in the past few months, mostly in anticipation of the Fed’s moves, and will probably keep rising.Mortgage rates don’t necessarily move up in tandem with the Fed’s rate increases. Sometimes, they even move in the opposite direction. Long-term mortgages tend to track the yield on the 10-year Treasury note, which, in turn, is influenced by a variety of factors. These include investors’ expectations for future inflation and global demand for U.S. Treasurys.For now, though, faster inflation and strong U.S. economic growth are sending the 10-year Treasury rate up sharply. As a consequence, mortgage rates have jumped 2 full percentage points just since the year began, to 5.1% on average for a 30-year fixed mortgage, according to Freddie Mac.In part, the jump in mortgage rates reflects expectations that the Fed will keep raising its key rate. But its forthcoming hikes aren’t likely fully priced in yet. If the Fed jacks up its key rate to as high as 3.5% by mid-2023, as many economists expect, the 10-year Treasury yield will go much higher, too, and mortgages will become more expensive.HOW WILL THAT AFFECT THE HOUSING MARKET?If you’re looking to buy a home and are frustrated by the lack of available houses, which has triggered bidding wars and eye-watering prices, that’s unlikely to change anytime soon.Economists say that higher mortgage rates will discourage some would-be purchasers. And average home prices, which have been soaring at about a 20% annual rate, could at least rise at a slower pace.The surge in mortgage rates “will temper the pace of home price appreciation as more would-be homebuyers are priced out,” said Greg McBride, chief financial analyst for Bankrate.Still, the number of available homes remains historically low, a trend that will likely frustrate buyers and keep prices high.WHAT ABOUT AUTO LOANS?Fed rate hikes can make auto loans more expensive. But other factors also affect these rates, including competition among car makers that can sometimes lower borrowing costs.Rates for buyers with lower credit ratings are most likely to rise as a result of the Fed’s hikes, said Alex Yurchenko, chief data officer for Black Book, which monitors U.S. vehicle prices. Because used vehicle prices, on average, are rising, monthly payments will rise too.For now, new-vehicle loans average about 4.5%. Used-vehicle rates are about 5%.WHAT ABOUT OTHER RATES?For users of credit cards, home equity lines of credit and other variable-interest debt, rates would rise by roughly the same amount as the Fed hike, usually within one or two billing cycles. That’s because those rates are based in part on banks’ prime rate, which moves in tandem with the Fed.Those who don’t qualify for low-rate credit cards might be stuck paying higher interest on their balances. The rates on their cards would rise as the prime rate does.Should the Fed decide to raise rates by 2 percentage points or more over the next two years — a distinct possibility — that would significantly enlarge interest payments.WILL I BE ABLE TO EARN MORE ON MY SAVINGS?Probably, though not likely by very much. And it depends on where your savings, if you have any, are parked.Savings, certificates of deposit and money market accounts don’t typically track the Fed’s changes. Instead, banks tend to capitalize on a higher-rate environment to try to increase their profits. They do so by imposing higher rates on borrowers, without necessarily offering any juicer rates to savers.This is particularly true for large banks now. They’ve been flooded with savings as a result of government financial aid and reduced spending by many wealthier Americans during the pandemic. They won’t need to raise savings rates to attract more deposits or CD buyers.But online banks and others with high-yield savings accounts could be an exception. These accounts are known for aggressively competing for depositors. The only catch is that they typically require significant deposits.Still, savers are starting to see some better potential returns from Treasurys. On Tuesday, the yield on the 10-year note was 2.96%, after having briefly topped 3% for the first time since 2018.Financial markets expect inflation to average 2.83% over 10 years. That level would give investors a positive, if very small, return of about 0.13%.“All of a sudden, we end up in this position where fixed income is way more competitive than it was before,” said Jason Pride, chief investment officer for Private Wealth at Glenmede.

How higher Fed rates stand to affect your finances

SIOUX FALLS, S.D. (AP) — It took two trips over state lines, navigating icy roads and a patchwork of state laws, for a 32-year-old South Dakota woman to get abortion pills last year.

For abortion-seekers like her, such journeys, along with pills sent through the mail, will grow in importance if the Supreme Court follows through with&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-07439f9fc4542f1500ab78dfd34036b1">its leaked draft opinion&nbsp;</a>that would overturn the landmark Roe v. Wade decision and allow individual states to ban the procedure. The woman, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because she was concerned for her family’s safety, said the abortion pills allowed her to end an unexpected and high-risk pregnancy and remain devoted to her two children.

But anti-abortion activists and politicians say those cross-border trips, remote doctors’ consultations and pill deliveries are what they&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-abortion-texas-covid-19-pandemic-health-13c2fbe3f1de416d88a5ef6d1ca3406e">will try to stop next</a>.

“Medication abortion will be where access to abortion is decided,” said Mary Ziegler, a professor at Florida State University College of Law who specializes in reproductive rights. “That’s going to be the battleground that decides how enforceable abortion bans are.”

Use of abortion pills has been rising in the U.S. since 2000 when the Food and Drug Administration approved mifepristone — the main drug used in medication abortions.&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/abortion-science-health-medication-56972af9e9b0fc2fc97e06041f6e96ce">More than half of U.S. abortions&nbsp;</a>are now done with pills, rather than surgery, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports abortion rights.

Two drugs are required. The first, mifepristone, blocks a hormone needed to maintain a pregnancy. A second drug, misoprostol, taken one to two days later, empties the uterus. Both drugs are available as generics and are also used to treat other conditions.

The&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-abortion-health-medication-a6634601a37fb048aecdd9f030e0863a">FDA last year lifted&nbsp;</a>a long-standing requirement that women pick up abortion pills in person. Federal regulations now also allow mail delivery nationwide. Even so, 19 states have passed laws requiring a medical clinician to be physically present when abortion pills are administered to a patient.

South Dakota is among them, joining several states, including Texas, Kentucky, Arkansas, Ohio, Tennessee and Oklahoma, where Republicans have moved to further restrict access to abortion pills in recent months.

Those moves have spurred online services that offer information on getting abortion pills and consultations to get a prescription. After the woman in South Dakota found that the state’s only abortion clinic could not schedule her in time for a medication abortion, she found an online service, called Just The Pill, that advised her to drive across to Minnesota for a phone consultation with a doctor. A week later, she came back to Minnesota for the pills.

She took the first one almost immediately in her car, then cried as she drove home.

“I felt like I lost a pregnancy,” she said. “I love my husband and I love my children and I knew exactly what I had to say goodbye to and that was a really horrible thing to have to do.”

Besides crossing state lines, women can also turn to international online pharmacies, said Greer Donley, a professor specializing in reproductive health care at the University of Pittsburgh Law School. Some women also are having prescribed pills forwarded through states without restrictions.

“It allows for someone to have an abortion without a direct role of a provider. It’s going to be much harder for states to control abortion access,” she said, adding, “The question is how is it going to be enforced?”

Abortion law experts say it’s an unsettled question whether states can restrict access to abortion pills in the wake of the FDA’s decision.

“The general rule is that federal law preempts conflicting state law,” said Laura Hermer, a professor at the Mitchell Hamline School of Law in St. Paul, Minnesota. “There is no question that the FDA has proper authority to regulate the drugs used in medication abortions. The question is whether a state can make a viable, winning argument that, for public health purposes, it needs to further regulate access to the relevant medications.”

Hermer said she doesn’t think there is a valid public health reason because the published evidence is that the drugs are “exceptionally safe.” But if the Supreme Court overrules Roe v. Wade and a state gives embryos and fetuses full rights as people “then all bets would be off.”

The Planned Parenthood regional organization that includes South Dakota doesn’t believe it can legally mail abortion pills to patients there.

Telemedicine providers have to abide by the laws of the state where the patient is, said Dr. Sarah Traxler, chief medical officer for Planned Parenthood North Central States in St. Paul. She acknowledged that some organizations disagree. “But,” she added, “we don’t feel like we have liberty to mail pills from Minnesota to other places in the country where it’s illegal to provide medication abortion.”

Sue Leibel, the state policy director for Susan B. Anthony List, a prominent organization opposed to abortion, acknowledged that medication abortions have “crept up” on Republican state lawmakers.

“This is a new frontier and states are grappling with enforcement mechanisms,” she said, adding, “The advice that I always give — if you shut the front door, the pills are going to come in the back door.”

Leibel maintained women should not be prosecuted for seeking abortions, keeping with a long-standing principle of many abortion opponents. She suggested the next target for state enforcement should be the pharmacies, organizations and clinics that provide the abortion pills. She also said abortion-rights opponents should focus on electing a presidential candidate who would work to reverse the FDA’s decision.

The FDA said a scientific review supported broadening access to the drugs and found complications were rare. The agency has reported 26 deaths associated with the drug since 2000, though not all of those can be directly attributed to the medication due to existing health conditions and other factors.

However, with new legal battles on the horizon and abortion seekers going to greater lengths to obtain the procedure, Donley, the law school professor, worried that state lawmakers will turn their attention toward the women who get the pills.

Indeed, a Louisiana House committee&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-health-crime-louisiana-1530c0893084e84fd83728329278d536">advanced a bill Wednesday</a>&nbsp;that would make abortion a crime of homicide for which a woman ending her pregnancy could be charged, along with anyone helping her.

“Many anti-abortion legislators might realize the only way to enforce these laws is to prosecute the pregnant person themselves,” Donley said.

SIOUX FALLS, S.D. (AP) — It took two trips over state lines, navigating icy roads and a patchwork of state laws, for a 32-year-old South Dakota woman to get abortion pills last year.For abortion-seekers like her, such journeys, along with pills sent through the mail, will grow in importance if the Supreme Court follows through with&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-07439f9fc4542f1500ab78dfd34036b1">its leaked draft opinion&nbsp;</a>that would overturn the landmark Roe v. Wade decision and allow individual states to ban the procedure. The woman, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because she was concerned for her family’s safety, said the abortion pills allowed her to end an unexpected and high-risk pregnancy and remain devoted to her two children.But anti-abortion activists and politicians say those cross-border trips, remote doctors’ consultations and pill deliveries are what they&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-abortion-texas-covid-19-pandemic-health-13c2fbe3f1de416d88a5ef6d1ca3406e">will try to stop next</a>.<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2020/2/1581004285984.jpeg" alt=" About 60% of abortions in Kansas involve the abortion pill. Credit Celia Llopis-Jepsen / Kansas News Service" />
 <figcaption> About 60% of abortions in Kansas involve the abortion pill. Credit Celia Llopis-Jepsen / Kansas News Service</figcaption>
 </figure>“Medication abortion will be where access to abortion is decided,” said Mary Ziegler, a professor at Florida State University College of Law who specializes in reproductive rights. “That’s going to be the battleground that decides how enforceable abortion bans are.”Use of abortion pills has been rising in the U.S. since 2000 when the Food and Drug Administration approved mifepristone — the main drug used in medication abortions.&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/abortion-science-health-medication-56972af9e9b0fc2fc97e06041f6e96ce">More than half of U.S. abortions&nbsp;</a>are now done with pills, rather than surgery, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a research group that supports abortion rights.Two drugs are required. The first, mifepristone, blocks a hormone needed to maintain a pregnancy. A second drug, misoprostol, taken one to two days later, empties the uterus. Both drugs are available as generics and are also used to treat other conditions.The&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-abortion-health-medication-a6634601a37fb048aecdd9f030e0863a">FDA last year lifted&nbsp;</a>a long-standing requirement that women pick up abortion pills in person. Federal regulations now also allow mail delivery nationwide. Even so, 19 states have passed laws requiring a medical clinician to be physically present when abortion pills are administered to a patient.South Dakota is among them, joining several states, including Texas, Kentucky, Arkansas, Ohio, Tennessee and Oklahoma, where Republicans have moved to further restrict access to abortion pills in recent months.Those moves have spurred online services that offer information on getting abortion pills and consultations to get a prescription. After the woman in South Dakota found that the state’s only abortion clinic could not schedule her in time for a medication abortion, she found an online service, called Just The Pill, that advised her to drive across to Minnesota for a phone consultation with a doctor. A week later, she came back to Minnesota for the pills.She took the first one almost immediately in her car, then cried as she drove home.“I felt like I lost a pregnancy,” she said. “I love my husband and I love my children and I knew exactly what I had to say goodbye to and that was a really horrible thing to have to do.”Besides crossing state lines, women can also turn to international online pharmacies, said Greer Donley, a professor specializing in reproductive health care at the University of Pittsburgh Law School. Some women also are having prescribed pills forwarded through states without restrictions.“It allows for someone to have an abortion without a direct role of a provider. It’s going to be much harder for states to control abortion access,” she said, adding, “The question is how is it going to be enforced?”Abortion law experts say it’s an unsettled question whether states can restrict access to abortion pills in the wake of the FDA’s decision.“The general rule is that federal law preempts conflicting state law,” said Laura Hermer, a professor at the Mitchell Hamline School of Law in St. Paul, Minnesota. “There is no question that the FDA has proper authority to regulate the drugs used in medication abortions. The question is whether a state can make a viable, winning argument that, for public health purposes, it needs to further regulate access to the relevant medications.”Hermer said she doesn’t think there is a valid public health reason because the published evidence is that the drugs are “exceptionally safe.” But if the Supreme Court overrules Roe v. Wade and a state gives embryos and fetuses full rights as people “then all bets would be off.”The Planned Parenthood regional organization that includes South Dakota doesn’t believe it can legally mail abortion pills to patients there.Telemedicine providers have to abide by the laws of the state where the patient is, said Dr. Sarah Traxler, chief medical officer for Planned Parenthood North Central States in St. Paul. She acknowledged that some organizations disagree. “But,” she added, “we don’t feel like we have liberty to mail pills from Minnesota to other places in the country where it’s illegal to provide medication abortion.”Sue Leibel, the state policy director for Susan B. Anthony List, a prominent organization opposed to abortion, acknowledged that medication abortions have “crept up” on Republican state lawmakers.“This is a new frontier and states are grappling with enforcement mechanisms,” she said, adding, “The advice that I always give — if you shut the front door, the pills are going to come in the back door.”Leibel maintained women should not be prosecuted for seeking abortions, keeping with a long-standing principle of many abortion opponents. She suggested the next target for state enforcement should be the pharmacies, organizations and clinics that provide the abortion pills. She also said abortion-rights opponents should focus on electing a presidential candidate who would work to reverse the FDA’s decision.The FDA said a scientific review supported broadening access to the drugs and found complications were rare. The agency has reported 26 deaths associated with the drug since 2000, though not all of those can be directly attributed to the medication due to existing health conditions and other factors.However, with new legal battles on the horizon and abortion seekers going to greater lengths to obtain the procedure, Donley, the law school professor, worried that state lawmakers will turn their attention toward the women who get the pills.Indeed, a Louisiana House committee&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/abortion-us-supreme-court-health-crime-louisiana-1530c0893084e84fd83728329278d536">advanced a bill Wednesday</a>&nbsp;that would make abortion a crime of homicide for which a woman ending her pregnancy could be charged, along with anyone helping her.“Many anti-abortion legislators might realize the only way to enforce these laws is to prosecute the pregnant person themselves,” Donley said.

Next battleground: Access to mail order abortion pills

LOS ANGELES (AP) — A San Francisco judge tossed out former President Donald Trump’s lawsuit challenging his permanent ban from Twitter.

U.S. District Judge James Donato said Friday that Trump failed to show Twitter violated his First Amendment right to free speech. Free speech rights don’t apply to private companies and Trump failed to show Twitter was working as a state actor on behalf of Democrats, the judge wrote.

“The amended complaint merely offers a grab-bag of allegations to the effect that some Democratic members of Congress wanted Mr. Trump, and ‘the views he espoused,’ to be banned from Twitter because such ‘content and views’ were ‘contrary to those legislators’ preferred points of view,’” Donato wrote. “But the comments of a handful of elected officials are a far cry from a ‘rule of decision for which the State is responsible.’ Legislators are perfectly free to express opinions without being deemed the official voice of ‘the State.’”

Trump&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/lawsuits-business-government-and-politics-c7e26858dcb553f92d98706d12ad510c">sued Twitter, Facebook and Google’s YouTube in July 2021</a>, claiming they illegally censored him.

The platforms suspended Trump after the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection, in which his followers violently stormed the Capitol building in an attempt to block Congress from certifying Joe Biden’s presidential win. The companies cited concerns he would incite further violence.

The ruling comes as Elon Musk, the world’s wealthiest man, is in the process of purchasing Twitter for $44 billion. The deal has raised questions about whether, Musk, a self-described free speech absolutist, would reinstate the former president.

Trump, who has continued to repeat lies about his 2020 election defeat in speeches,&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/technology-business-media-social-media-donald-trump-5eff637ad5e77fde3b7cddc8881f950d">has started his own social network</a>, Truth Social. He said last week that he wouldn’t rejoin Twitter if given the chance.

The suit had sought to reinstate Trump’s account, which had roughly 89 million followers, and those of five others who claimed they were also censored by Twitter. The group had sought unspecified damages and class action status on behalf of others removed from the platform.

Legal experts had predicted the lawsuit would fail but suggested Trump would milk it for political purposes. Trump’s political action committee immediately began raising money after the lawsuit was announced last year.

The lawsuit had also sought a declaration that Section 230 of the 1996 Communications Decency Act was unconstitutional.

The act says providers such as Twitter can moderate services by removing obscene posts that violate their standards and cannot be held responsible for content posted by others.

Trump had only shown a “vague and speculative allegation” that he believed he would not have been banned if Twitter wasn’t granted immunity by Section 230, Donato said.

Donato gave Trump another opportunity to amend his complaint. Trump’s lawyer did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2021/1/1610197339702.png" alt="" />
 <figcaption></figcaption>
 </figure>LOS ANGELES (AP) — A San Francisco judge tossed out former President Donald Trump’s lawsuit challenging his permanent ban from Twitter.U.S. District Judge James Donato said Friday that Trump failed to show Twitter violated his First Amendment right to free speech. Free speech rights don’t apply to private companies and Trump failed to show Twitter was working as a state actor on behalf of Democrats, the judge wrote.“The amended complaint merely offers a grab-bag of allegations to the effect that some Democratic members of Congress wanted Mr. Trump, and ‘the views he espoused,’ to be banned from Twitter because such ‘content and views’ were ‘contrary to those legislators’ preferred points of view,’” Donato wrote. “But the comments of a handful of elected officials are a far cry from a ‘rule of decision for which the State is responsible.’ Legislators are perfectly free to express opinions without being deemed the official voice of ‘the State.’”Trump&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/lawsuits-business-government-and-politics-c7e26858dcb553f92d98706d12ad510c">sued Twitter, Facebook and Google’s YouTube in July 2021</a>, claiming they illegally censored him.The platforms suspended Trump after the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection, in which his followers violently stormed the Capitol building in an attempt to block Congress from certifying Joe Biden’s presidential win. The companies cited concerns he would incite further violence.The ruling comes as Elon Musk, the world’s wealthiest man, is in the process of purchasing Twitter for $44 billion. The deal has raised questions about whether, Musk, a self-described free speech absolutist, would reinstate the former president.Trump, who has continued to repeat lies about his 2020 election defeat in speeches,&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/technology-business-media-social-media-donald-trump-5eff637ad5e77fde3b7cddc8881f950d">has started his own social network</a>, Truth Social. He said last week that he wouldn’t rejoin Twitter if given the chance.The suit had sought to reinstate Trump’s account, which had roughly 89 million followers, and those of five others who claimed they were also censored by Twitter. The group had sought unspecified damages and class action status on behalf of others removed from the platform.Legal experts had predicted the lawsuit would fail but suggested Trump would milk it for political purposes. Trump’s political action committee immediately began raising money after the lawsuit was announced last year.The lawsuit had also sought a declaration that Section 230 of the 1996 Communications Decency Act was unconstitutional.The act says providers such as Twitter can moderate services by removing obscene posts that violate their standards and cannot be held responsible for content posted by others.Trump had only shown a “vague and speculative allegation” that he believed he would not have been banned if Twitter wasn’t granted immunity by Section 230, Donato said.Donato gave Trump another opportunity to amend his complaint. Trump’s lawyer did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Judge rejects Trump lawsuit challenging ban from Twitter

By CARLA K. JOHNSON and NICKY FORSTER, Associated Press

Doug Lambrecht was among the first of the nearly&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/one-million-dead-US-COVID-ea745d462d47a65029a8c507c94e679e">1 million Americans to die</a>&nbsp;from COVID-19. His demographic profile — an older white male with chronic health problems — mirrors&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/covid-567361400690">the faces</a>&nbsp;of many who would be lost over the next&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/photos-US-million-dead-COVID-f3e9afbf8a5f693ce01d46bbf0908cab">two years</a>.

The 71-year-old retired physician was recovering from a fall at a nursing home near Seattle when the new coronavirus swept through in early 2020. He died March 1, an early victim in a devastating outbreak that gave a first glimpse of the price older Americans would pay.

The pandemic has generated gigabytes of data that make clear which U.S. groups have been hit the hardest. More than 700,000 people 65 and older died. Men died at higher rates than women.

White people made up most of the deaths overall, yet an unequal burden fell on Black, Hispanic and Native American people considering the younger average age of minority communities. Racial gaps narrowed between surges then widened again with each new wave.

With 1 million deaths in sight, Doug’s son Nathan Lambrecht reflected on the toll.

“I’m afraid that as the numbers get bigger, people are going to care less and less,” he said. “I just hope people who didn’t know them and didn’t have the same sort of loss in their lives due to COVID, I just hope that they don’t forget and they remember to care.”

Three out of every four deaths were people 65 and older, according to U.S. data analyzed by The Associated Press.

About 255,000 people 85 and older died; 257,000 were 75 to 84 years old; and about 229,000 were 65 to 74.

“A million things went wrong and most of them were preventable,” said elder care expert Charlene Harrington of the University of California, San Francisco. Harrington, 80, hopes the lessons of the pandemic lead U.S. health officials to adopt minimum staffing requirements for nursing homes, “then maybe I can retire.”

In nearly every 10-year age group, more men have died from COVID-19 than women.

Men have shorter life expectancies than women, so it’s not surprising that the only age group where deaths in women outpaced those in men is the oldest: 85 and older.

For some families who lost breadwinners, economic hardships have added to their grief, said Rima Samman, who coordinates a COVID-19 memorial project that began as a tribute to her brother, Rami, who died in May 2020 at age 40.

“A widow is losing her home, or she’s losing the car she drove the kids to school with, because her husband died,” Samman said. “Little by little, you’re getting pulled down from middle class to lower class.”

White people made up 65% of the total deaths, the largest proportion of any race by far.

This isn’t that surprising because there are more white people in the U.S. than any other race. American Indians, Pacific Islanders and Black people had higher death rates when looking at COVID-19 deaths per capita.

Death rates per capita still leave out a characteristic that is crucial to understanding which groups were disproportionately affected — COVID-19 is more deadly for the elderly.

In the U.S. there are many more elderly white people than elderly people of other races. To evaluate which race has been disproportionately affected, it’s necessary to adjust the per-capita death rate, calculating the rates as if each race had the same age breakdown.

After the share of COVID-19 deaths are age-adjusted in this way, we can compare that with the race’s share of the total population. If the age-adjusted share of COVID-19 deaths is higher than the share of the U.S. population, that race has been disproportionately affected.

When considering age, it’s apparent that Black, Hispanic, Pacific Islander and Native American people suffered disproportionately more from COVID-19 deaths than other groups in the U.S.

Looking at deaths per capita, Mississippi had the highest rate of any state.

“We’ve lost so many people to COVID,” said Joyee Washington, a community health educator in Hattiesburg. “The hard thing in Mississippi was having to grieve with no time to heal. You’re facing trauma after trauma after trauma. ... Normal is gone as far as I’m concerned.”

Communities pulled together. Churches set up testing sites, school buses took meals to students when classrooms were closed, her city’s mayor used social media to provide reliable information. “Even in the midst of turmoil you can still find joy, you can still find light,” she said. “The possibilities are there if you look for them.”

Native Americans experienced higher death rates than all other groups during two waves of the pandemic. For Mary Francis, a 41-year-old Navajo woman from Page, Arizona, the deaths reinforce a long-held value of self-sufficiency.

“It goes back to the teachings of our elders,” said Francis, who helps get vaccines and care packages to Navajo and Hopi families. “Try to be self-sufficient, how to take care of ourselves and how to not rely so much on the government (and) other sources that may or may not have our interests at heart.”

The surge that began in late 2020 was particularly rough for rural America.

Americans living in rural areas have been less likely to get vaccinated than city dwellers, more likely to be infected and more likely to die.

“I’ve had multiple people in my ambulance, in their 80s and dying,” said paramedic Mark Kennedy in Nauvoo, Illinois. “Some did die, and when you ask if they’ve been vaccinated, they say, ‘I don’t trust it.’”

Surges swamped the thin resources of rural hospitals. During the delta surge, Kennedy transferred patients to hospitals in Springfield, which is 130 miles away, and Chicago, 270 miles away.

“Every day you had multiple transfers three and four hours away in full protective gear,” Kennedy said.

The recent omicron wave felt even harder to David Schreiner, CEO of Katherine Shaw Bethea Hospital in Dixon, Illinois.

“In the first wave, there were signs throughout the community about our health care heroes. ... People loved us the first time around,” Schreiner said. But by this past winter, people had COVID-19 fatigue.

“Our people have been through so much. And then we would get a patient or a family member who would come to the hospital and refuse to put a mask on,” Schreiner said. “It’s a little bit hard to take.”

By CARLA K. JOHNSON and NICKY FORSTER, Associated PressDoug Lambrecht was among the first of the nearly&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/one-million-dead-US-COVID-ea745d462d47a65029a8c507c94e679e">1 million Americans to die</a>&nbsp;from COVID-19. His demographic profile — an older white male with chronic health problems — mirrors&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/covid-567361400690">the faces</a>&nbsp;of many who would be lost over the next&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/photos-US-million-dead-COVID-f3e9afbf8a5f693ce01d46bbf0908cab">two years</a>.The 71-year-old retired physician was recovering from a fall at a nursing home near Seattle when the new coronavirus swept through in early 2020. He died March 1, an early victim in a devastating outbreak that gave a first glimpse of the price older Americans would pay.The pandemic has generated gigabytes of data that make clear which U.S. groups have been hit the hardest. More than 700,000 people 65 and older died. Men died at higher rates than women.White people made up most of the deaths overall, yet an unequal burden fell on Black, Hispanic and Native American people considering the younger average age of minority communities. Racial gaps narrowed between surges then widened again with each new wave.With 1 million deaths in sight, Doug’s son Nathan Lambrecht reflected on the toll.“I’m afraid that as the numbers get bigger, people are going to care less and less,” he said. “I just hope people who didn’t know them and didn’t have the same sort of loss in their lives due to COVID, I just hope that they don’t forget and they remember to care.”ELDERS HIT HARDThree out of every four deaths were people 65 and older, according to U.S. data analyzed by The Associated Press.About 255,000 people 85 and older died; 257,000 were 75 to 84 years old; and about 229,000 were 65 to 74.“A million things went wrong and most of them were preventable,” said elder care expert Charlene Harrington of the University of California, San Francisco. Harrington, 80, hopes the lessons of the pandemic lead U.S. health officials to adopt minimum staffing requirements for nursing homes, “then maybe I can retire.”SPOUSES LEFT BEHINDIn nearly every 10-year age group, more men have died from COVID-19 than women.Men have shorter life expectancies than women, so it’s not surprising that the only age group where deaths in women outpaced those in men is the oldest: 85 and older.For some families who lost breadwinners, economic hardships have added to their grief, said Rima Samman, who coordinates a COVID-19 memorial project that began as a tribute to her brother, Rami, who died in May 2020 at age 40.“A widow is losing her home, or she’s losing the car she drove the kids to school with, because her husband died,” Samman said. “Little by little, you’re getting pulled down from middle class to lower class.”RACE, ETHNICITY AND AGEWhite people made up 65% of the total deaths, the largest proportion of any race by far.This isn’t that surprising because there are more white people in the U.S. than any other race. American Indians, Pacific Islanders and Black people had higher death rates when looking at COVID-19 deaths per capita.Death rates per capita still leave out a characteristic that is crucial to understanding which groups were disproportionately affected — COVID-19 is more deadly for the elderly.In the U.S. there are many more elderly white people than elderly people of other races. To evaluate which race has been disproportionately affected, it’s necessary to adjust the per-capita death rate, calculating the rates as if each race had the same age breakdown.After the share of COVID-19 deaths are age-adjusted in this way, we can compare that with the race’s share of the total population. If the age-adjusted share of COVID-19 deaths is higher than the share of the U.S. population, that race has been disproportionately affected.When considering age, it’s apparent that Black, Hispanic, Pacific Islander and Native American people suffered disproportionately more from COVID-19 deaths than other groups in the U.S.Looking at deaths per capita, Mississippi had the highest rate of any state.“We’ve lost so many people to COVID,” said Joyee Washington, a community health educator in Hattiesburg. “The hard thing in Mississippi was having to grieve with no time to heal. You’re facing trauma after trauma after trauma. ... Normal is gone as far as I’m concerned.”Communities pulled together. Churches set up testing sites, school buses took meals to students when classrooms were closed, her city’s mayor used social media to provide reliable information. “Even in the midst of turmoil you can still find joy, you can still find light,” she said. “The possibilities are there if you look for them.”Native Americans experienced higher death rates than all other groups during two waves of the pandemic. For Mary Francis, a 41-year-old Navajo woman from Page, Arizona, the deaths reinforce a long-held value of self-sufficiency.“It goes back to the teachings of our elders,” said Francis, who helps get vaccines and care packages to Navajo and Hopi families. “Try to be self-sufficient, how to take care of ourselves and how to not rely so much on the government (and) other sources that may or may not have our interests at heart.”RURAL VS URBANThe surge that began in late 2020 was particularly rough for rural America.Americans living in rural areas have been less likely to get vaccinated than city dwellers, more likely to be infected and more likely to die.“I’ve had multiple people in my ambulance, in their 80s and dying,” said paramedic Mark Kennedy in Nauvoo, Illinois. “Some did die, and when you ask if they’ve been vaccinated, they say, ‘I don’t trust it.’”Surges swamped the thin resources of rural hospitals. During the delta surge, Kennedy transferred patients to hospitals in Springfield, which is 130 miles away, and Chicago, 270 miles away.“Every day you had multiple transfers three and four hours away in full protective gear,” Kennedy said.The recent omicron wave felt even harder to David Schreiner, CEO of Katherine Shaw Bethea Hospital in Dixon, Illinois.“In the first wave, there were signs throughout the community about our health care heroes. ... People loved us the first time around,” Schreiner said. But by this past winter, people had COVID-19 fatigue.“Our people have been through so much. And then we would get a patient or a family member who would come to the hospital and refuse to put a mask on,” Schreiner said. “It’s a little bit hard to take.”

Nearly 1 million COVID-19 deaths: A look at the US numbers

NEW YORK (AP) — Country star Mickey Gilley, whose namesake Texas honky-tonk inspired the 1980 film “Urban Cowboy” and a nationwide wave of Western-themed nightspots, has died. He was 86.

Gilley died Saturday in Branson, Missouri, where he helped run the Mickey Gilley Grand Shanghai Theatre. He had been performing as recently as last month, but was in failing health over the past week.

“He passed peacefully with his family and close friends by his side,” according a statement from Mickey Gilley Associates.

Gilley — cousin of rock ‘n’ roll pioneer Jerry Lee Lewis — opened Gilley’s, “the world’s largest honky tonk,” in Pasadena, Texas, in the early 1970s. By mid-decade, he was a successful club owner and had enjoyed his first commercial success with “Room Full of Roses.” He began turning out country hits regularly, including “Window Up Above,” “She’s Pulling Me Back Again” and the honky-tonk anthem “Don’t the Girls All Get Prettier at Closing Time.”

Overall, he had 39 Top 10 country hits and 17 No. 1 songs. He received six Academy of Country Music Awards, and also worked on occasion as an actor, with appearances on “Murder She Wrote,” “The Fall Guy,” “Fantasy Island” and “The Dukes of Hazzard.”

“If I had one wish in life, I would wish for more time,” Gilley told The Associated Press in March 2001 as he celebrated his 65th birthday. Not that he’d do anything differently, the singer said.

“I am doing exactly what I want to do. I play golf, fly my airplane and perform at my theater in Branson, Missouri,” he said. “I love doing my show for the people.”

Meanwhile, the giant nightspot’s attractions, including its famed mechanical bull, led to the 1980 film “Urban Cowboy,” starring John Travolta and Debra Winger and regarded by many as a countrified version of Travolta’s 1977 disco smash, “Saturday Night Fever.” The film inspired by Gilley’s club was based on an Esquire article by Aaron Latham about the relationship between two regulars at the club.

“I thank John Travolta every night before bed for keeping my career alive,” Gilley told the AP in 2002. “It’s impossible to tell you how grateful I am for my involvement with ‘Urban Cowboy.’ That film had a huge impact on my career, and still does.”

The soundtrack included such hits as Johnny Lee’s “Lookin’ for Love,” Boz Scaggs’ “Look What You’ve Done for Me” and Gilley’s “Stand by Me.” The movie turned the Pasadena club into an overnight tourist draw and popularized pearl snap shirts, longneck beers, the steel guitar and mechanical bulls across the country.

But the club shut down in 1989 after Gilley and his business partner Sherwood Cryer feuded over how to run the place. A fire destroyed it soon after.

An upscale version of the old Gilley’s nightclub opened in Dallas in 2003. In recent years, Gilley moved to Branson.

He was married three times, most recently to Cindy Loeb Gilley. He had four children, three with his first wife, Geraldine Garrett, and one with his second, Vivian McDonald.

A Natchez, Mississippi, native, Gilley grew up poor, learning boogie-woogie piano in Ferriday, Louisiana, alongside Lewis and fellow cousin Jimmy Swaggart, the future evangelist. Like Lewis, he would sneak into the windows of Louisiana clubs to listen to rhythm and blues. He moved to Houston to work construction but played the local club scene at night and recorded and toured for years before catching on in the ’70s.

Gilley had suffered health problems in recent years. He underwent brain surgery in August 2008 after specialists diagnosed hydrocephalus, a condition characterized by an increase in fluid in the cranium. Gilley had been suffering from short-term memory loss, and credited the surgery with halting the onset of dementia.

He underwent more surgery in 2009 after he fell off a step, forcing him to cancel scheduled performances in Branson. In 2018, he sustained a fractured ankle and fractured right shoulder in an automobile accident.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2022/5/1651963381362.png" alt="" />
 <figcaption></figcaption>
 </figure>NEW YORK (AP) — Country star Mickey Gilley, whose namesake Texas honky-tonk inspired the 1980 film “Urban Cowboy” and a nationwide wave of Western-themed nightspots, has died. He was 86.Gilley died Saturday in Branson, Missouri, where he helped run the Mickey Gilley Grand Shanghai Theatre. He had been performing as recently as last month, but was in failing health over the past week.“He passed peacefully with his family and close friends by his side,” according a statement from Mickey Gilley Associates.Gilley — cousin of rock ‘n’ roll pioneer Jerry Lee Lewis — opened Gilley’s, “the world’s largest honky tonk,” in Pasadena, Texas, in the early 1970s. By mid-decade, he was a successful club owner and had enjoyed his first commercial success with “Room Full of Roses.” He began turning out country hits regularly, including “Window Up Above,” “She’s Pulling Me Back Again” and the honky-tonk anthem “Don’t the Girls All Get Prettier at Closing Time.”Overall, he had 39 Top 10 country hits and 17 No. 1 songs. He received six Academy of Country Music Awards, and also worked on occasion as an actor, with appearances on “Murder She Wrote,” “The Fall Guy,” “Fantasy Island” and “The Dukes of Hazzard.”“If I had one wish in life, I would wish for more time,” Gilley told The Associated Press in March 2001 as he celebrated his 65th birthday. Not that he’d do anything differently, the singer said.“I am doing exactly what I want to do. I play golf, fly my airplane and perform at my theater in Branson, Missouri,” he said. “I love doing my show for the people.”Meanwhile, the giant nightspot’s attractions, including its famed mechanical bull, led to the 1980 film “Urban Cowboy,” starring John Travolta and Debra Winger and regarded by many as a countrified version of Travolta’s 1977 disco smash, “Saturday Night Fever.” The film inspired by Gilley’s club was based on an Esquire article by Aaron Latham about the relationship between two regulars at the club.“I thank John Travolta every night before bed for keeping my career alive,” Gilley told the AP in 2002. “It’s impossible to tell you how grateful I am for my involvement with ‘Urban Cowboy.’ That film had a huge impact on my career, and still does.”The soundtrack included such hits as Johnny Lee’s “Lookin’ for Love,” Boz Scaggs’ “Look What You’ve Done for Me” and Gilley’s “Stand by Me.” The movie turned the Pasadena club into an overnight tourist draw and popularized pearl snap shirts, longneck beers, the steel guitar and mechanical bulls across the country.But the club shut down in 1989 after Gilley and his business partner Sherwood Cryer feuded over how to run the place. A fire destroyed it soon after.An upscale version of the old Gilley’s nightclub opened in Dallas in 2003. In recent years, Gilley moved to Branson.He was married three times, most recently to Cindy Loeb Gilley. He had four children, three with his first wife, Geraldine Garrett, and one with his second, Vivian McDonald.A Natchez, Mississippi, native, Gilley grew up poor, learning boogie-woogie piano in Ferriday, Louisiana, alongside Lewis and fellow cousin Jimmy Swaggart, the future evangelist. Like Lewis, he would sneak into the windows of Louisiana clubs to listen to rhythm and blues. He moved to Houston to work construction but played the local club scene at night and recorded and toured for years before catching on in the ’70s.Gilley had suffered health problems in recent years. He underwent brain surgery in August 2008 after specialists diagnosed hydrocephalus, a condition characterized by an increase in fluid in the cranium. Gilley had been suffering from short-term memory loss, and credited the surgery with halting the onset of dementia.He underwent more surgery in 2009 after he fell off a step, forcing him to cancel scheduled performances in Branson. In 2018, he sustained a fractured ankle and fractured right shoulder in an automobile accident.

Mickey Gilley, who helped inspire 'Urban Cowboy,' dies at 86

OMAHA, Neb. (AP) — Authorities say a pedestrian who was crossing an Omaha street died after he was struck by two SUVs.

Curtis Gormley, 41, was killed shortly before 11:30 p.m. Friday in the northwestern part of the city. Police said after Gormley was struck by the first SUV, he was immediately hit by a second SUV.

Gormley was pronounced dead at the scene. Authorities said both drivers cooperated with police. No charges had filed or citations issued related to the death, according to police records.

Shortly after the incident, an Omaha police cruiser blocking traffic at the scene was hit by a drunken driver. No injuries were reported. The cruiser sustained minor damage, police said.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2022/4/1650584487950.jpeg" alt="" />
 <figcaption></figcaption>
 </figure>By ASSOCIATED PRESSOMAHA, Neb. (AP) — Authorities say a pedestrian who was crossing an Omaha street died after he was struck by two SUVs.Curtis Gormley, 41, was killed shortly before 11:30 p.m. Friday in the northwestern part of the city. Police said after Gormley was struck by the first SUV, he was immediately hit by a second SUV.Gormley was pronounced dead at the scene. Authorities said both drivers cooperated with police. No charges had filed or citations issued related to the death, according to police records.Shortly after the incident, an Omaha police cruiser blocking traffic at the scene was hit by a drunken driver. No injuries were reported. The cruiser sustained minor damage, police said.

Pedestrian dies after he was hit by 2 SUVs on Omaha street

By PAUL HAMMEL <a href="https://nebraskaexaminer.com/2022/05/06/evnen-faces-two-challengers-in-gop-primary-for-nebraska-secretary-of-state/">Nebraska Examiner</a>

LINCOLN
 – Incumbent Nebraska Secretary of State Bob Evnen is being challenged 
in the Republican primary by two candidates who claim the 2020 election 
was stolen from former President Donald Trump.

The
 race is being spiced by claims that voter fraud has occurred under 
Evnen’s watch, and counterclaims by the first-term Secretary of State 
that all allegations have been investigated and refuted.

Candidates
 Robert Borer of Lincoln and Rex Schroder of Palmyra both insist that 
President Joe Biden did not win the voting in Nebraska’s 2nd 
Congressional District – a race he won by more than 22,000 votes – and 
should not have been awarded the one electoral vote from that district.



	“Donald Trump didn’t win Nebraska, he partly won – we had one electoral
 vote stolen from us,” said Borer, a 63-year-old retired Lincoln 
firefighter.

Both Borer and Schroder, a 49-year-old
 small business owner and former Palmyra fire chief, claimed to find 
several instances of fraudulent votes after making public information 
requests of the Secretary of State’s Office, Nebraska Attorney General’s
 Office and others.

&nbsp;“Stuff just didn’t line up,” Schroder said.

But
 Evnen, a 69-year-old attorney from Lincoln, said that his office has 
investigated every allegation of voter fraud it has received, as well as
 other claims it learned about, and, “haven’t found any validity or merit to any of them.”

In March, he published a 20-page PowerPoint presentation entitled “<a target="_blank" href="https://sos.nebraska.gov/sites/sos.nebraska.gov/files/doc/Fake%20vs%20Fact%202-5-22%20rev.pdf">Fake vs. Fact”</a>
 that addresses, one by one, claims that voting is rigged, voter 
registration lists are inaccurate and the state’s voting counting 
machines have been corrupted.

“There’s
 a lot of speculation about what could happen, but there isn’t any 
evidence that it did,” Evnen said. “There’s lots of evidence it didn’t.”

Both
 Borer and Schroder said that if elected, they would immediately cancel 
the state’s contract with Omaha-based Election Systems &amp; Software to
 provide vote-counting machines for Nebraska, and would switch to 
hand-counting of ballots, by mostly volunteers, at the precinct level.

Borer
 said the government used “the scamdemic” to infringe on people’s 
constitutional rights and to steal the election via unsupervised ballot 
drop boxes and not extensive tracking of the “chain of custody” of mail 
ballots.

“What
 did we see the last two years? Rank infringement, rank denial and rank 
tyranny. It was about scaring people to death,” he said.



	He claimed that “statisticians” who have analyzed the 2020 election results have found fraud in every county.

Evnen, in his PowerPoint subtitled “Setting the Record Straight about Nebraska Elections,” and in an interview, disputed that.&nbsp;

One
 claim was that the vote count for Trump declined several times on 
election night. But Evnen said that was a mistake made by a third-party 
vendor for the New York Times and not one repeated in the official count
 from the Secretary of State’s Office.

Another
 claim was that 10 Nebraska counties had more registered voters than 
population. Evnen said that there were five counties like that, and all 
were small, rural counties.

He
 that happens because voters cannot be removed from the voter rolls 
until they haven’t voted in two federal elections. There are also 
college students who are registered at home but are counted in the 
census at their college location, Evnen said, contributing to slightly 
more registered voters than population.



	Borer said he could prove that there was fraud in the 2020 elections if
 Evnen would “give me the keys” to the vote-counting machines.

Evnen
 said that the contract with ES&amp;S requires “penetration and 
vulnerability scans” by an independent tester, and that making those 
scans public could lead to improper and nefarious use of the 
information.

“It
 is a common practice, and a best practice, not to disclose results of 
penetration and vulnerability scans,” Evnen said in the “Fake vs. Fact” 
presentation.

Borer filed a conflict of interest complaint
 on April 25 against Evnen over the “Fake vs. Fact” PowerPoint — which 
is posted on a state website — saying that the Secretary of State was 
using state resources to produce campaign “talking points.”

Evnen, when asked about the complaint, said that “there
 are some people who don’t like when we put out information that runs 
counter to their claims.” The complaint is still pending with the 
Nebraska Political Accountability and Disclosure Commission.

Schroder
 also disputes that Evnen has “run to the ground” all claims of voting 
irregularities in Nebraska. Schroder said he would order a full forensic
 audit of at least the 2020 vote in Douglas, Sarpy and Lancaster 
counties.



	“I am not an establishment, crooked politician. I’m just your average guy who’s ticked off,” Schroder said.

He
 said he would virtually eliminate absentee voting, limiting it to those
 serving in the military and the elderly living in nursing homes who 
could not make it to a polling place.

Schroder
 said that the millions saved by canceling the ES&amp;S contract could 
be used to pay people to hand count ballots if not enough volunteers 
could be found.

Despite
 the criticism from Borer and Schroder, Evnen, a former counsel to the 
Nebraska Republican Party, is endorsed by two dozen state senators, 
including Sen. Tom Brewer, who heads the state legislative committee 
that handles election integrity. He is also endorsed by Gov. Pete 
Ricketts.



	Evnen said he supports requiring voter identification and returning 
Nebraska to a winner-take-all system of awarding electoral votes. He was
 successful this year in getting legislation passed that ensures greater
 security of ballot drop boxes and bans private funding of elections.

He
 said he was unaware, until later, that Lancaster County had accepted 
funds from Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg to help pay for costs of the
 2020 election but said such donations are wrong. At least one group, 
Civic Nebraska, defended the acceptance of the so-called “Zuckerbucks,” 
saying the money was used to pay for COVID-19 protective gear for poll 
workers.

&nbsp;If campaign spending is any indication, Evnen is not taking the primary race for granted.

&nbsp;He
 has spent about $153,000 so far in his re-election bid, according to 
reports filed with the State Accountability and Disclosure Commission. 
His fund-raising included a personal loan of $20,000, as well as a 
$15,000 donation from the Nebraska Realtors Association. (The Secretary 
of State serves as the chair of the Nebraska Real Estate Commission.)



	Borer has raised about $39,000 for his challenge, and spent about $31,000, mostly on campaign signs and radio advertising.

His biggest contribution has been $5,000 from Regier Equipment of Madrid, Nebraska.

Schroder
 did not file a campaign spending report, which is required only if a 
campaign raises or spends at least $5,000 in one year.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2022/2/1644245366799.jpeg" alt="Secretary of State Robert Evnen (Courtesy of Nebraska Secretary of State’s Office)" />
 <figcaption>Secretary of State Robert Evnen (Courtesy of Nebraska Secretary of State’s Office)</figcaption>
 </figure>By PAUL HAMMEL <a href="https://nebraskaexaminer.com/2022/05/06/evnen-faces-two-challengers-in-gop-primary-for-nebraska-secretary-of-state/">Nebraska Examiner</a>LINCOLN
 – Incumbent Nebraska Secretary of State Bob Evnen is being challenged 
in the Republican primary by two candidates who claim the 2020 election 
was stolen from former President Donald Trump.The
 race is being spiced by claims that voter fraud has occurred under 
Evnen’s watch, and counterclaims by the first-term Secretary of State 
that all allegations have been investigated and refuted.Candidates
 Robert Borer of Lincoln and Rex Schroder of Palmyra both insist that 
President Joe Biden did not win the voting in Nebraska’s 2nd 
Congressional District – a race he won by more than 22,000 votes – and 
should not have been awarded the one electoral vote from that district.<h2>Trump ‘partly won’</h2>

	“Donald Trump didn’t win Nebraska, he partly won – we had one electoral
 vote stolen from us,” said Borer, a 63-year-old retired Lincoln 
firefighter.Both Borer and Schroder, a 49-year-old
 small business owner and former Palmyra fire chief, claimed to find 
several instances of fraudulent votes after making public information 
requests of the Secretary of State’s Office, Nebraska Attorney General’s
 Office and others.&nbsp;“Stuff just didn’t line up,” Schroder said.But
 Evnen, a 69-year-old attorney from Lincoln, said that his office has 
investigated every allegation of voter fraud it has received, as well as
 other claims it learned about, and, “haven’t found any validity or merit to any of them.”<h2>‘Fake vs. Fact’</h2>

	In March, he published a 20-page PowerPoint presentation entitled “<a target="_blank" href="https://sos.nebraska.gov/sites/sos.nebraska.gov/files/doc/Fake%20vs%20Fact%202-5-22%20rev.pdf">Fake vs. Fact”</a>
 that addresses, one by one, claims that voting is rigged, voter 
registration lists are inaccurate and the state’s voting counting 
machines have been corrupted.<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2022/5/1651942329697.jpeg" alt="Robert Borer of Lincoln, candidate for Nebraska Secretary of State (Courtesy of Robert Borer campaign)" />
 <figcaption>Robert Borer of Lincoln, candidate for Nebraska Secretary of State (Courtesy of Robert Borer campaign)</figcaption>
 </figure>“There’s
 a lot of speculation about what could happen, but there isn’t any 
evidence that it did,” Evnen said. “There’s lots of evidence it didn’t.”Both
 Borer and Schroder said that if elected, they would immediately cancel 
the state’s contract with Omaha-based Election Systems &amp; Software to
 provide vote-counting machines for Nebraska, and would switch to 
hand-counting of ballots, by mostly volunteers, at the precinct level.Borer
 said the government used “the scamdemic” to infringe on people’s 
constitutional rights and to steal the election via unsupervised ballot 
drop boxes and not extensive tracking of the “chain of custody” of mail 
ballots.“What
 did we see the last two years? Rank infringement, rank denial and rank 
tyranny. It was about scaring people to death,” he said.<h2>Fraud in ‘every county’</h2>

	He claimed that “statisticians” who have analyzed the 2020 election results have found fraud in every county.Evnen, in his PowerPoint subtitled “Setting the Record Straight about Nebraska Elections,” and in an interview, disputed that.&nbsp;One
 claim was that the vote count for Trump declined several times on 
election night. But Evnen said that was a mistake made by a third-party 
vendor for the New York Times and not one repeated in the official count
 from the Secretary of State’s Office.Another
 claim was that 10 Nebraska counties had more registered voters than 
population. Evnen said that there were five counties like that, and all 
were small, rural counties.<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2022/5/1651942375253.png" alt="Rex Schroder, Republican candidate for Nebraska Secretary of State (Courtesy of Schroder campaign)" />
 <figcaption>Rex Schroder, Republican candidate for Nebraska Secretary of State (Courtesy of Schroder campaign)</figcaption>
 </figure>He
 that happens because voters cannot be removed from the voter rolls 
until they haven’t voted in two federal elections. There are also 
college students who are registered at home but are counted in the 
census at their college location, Evnen said, contributing to slightly 
more registered voters than population.<h2>‘Common practice’</h2>

	Borer said he could prove that there was fraud in the 2020 elections if
 Evnen would “give me the keys” to the vote-counting machines.Evnen
 said that the contract with ES&amp;S requires “penetration and 
vulnerability scans” by an independent tester, and that making those 
scans public could lead to improper and nefarious use of the 
information.“It
 is a common practice, and a best practice, not to disclose results of 
penetration and vulnerability scans,” Evnen said in the “Fake vs. Fact” 
presentation.Borer filed a conflict of interest complaint
 on April 25 against Evnen over the “Fake vs. Fact” PowerPoint — which 
is posted on a state website — saying that the Secretary of State was 
using state resources to produce campaign “talking points.”Evnen, when asked about the complaint, said that “there
 are some people who don’t like when we put out information that runs 
counter to their claims.” The complaint is still pending with the 
Nebraska Political Accountability and Disclosure Commission.Schroder
 also disputes that Evnen has “run to the ground” all claims of voting 
irregularities in Nebraska. Schroder said he would order a full forensic
 audit of at least the 2020 vote in Douglas, Sarpy and Lancaster 
counties.<h2>‘Not establishment’</h2>

	“I am not an establishment, crooked politician. I’m just your average guy who’s ticked off,” Schroder said.He
 said he would virtually eliminate absentee voting, limiting it to those
 serving in the military and the elderly living in nursing homes who 
could not make it to a polling place.Schroder
 said that the millions saved by canceling the ES&amp;S contract could 
be used to pay people to hand count ballots if not enough volunteers 
could be found.Despite
 the criticism from Borer and Schroder, Evnen, a former counsel to the 
Nebraska Republican Party, is endorsed by two dozen state senators, 
including Sen. Tom Brewer, who heads the state legislative committee 
that handles election integrity. He is also endorsed by Gov. Pete 
Ricketts.<h2>Backs voter ID</h2>

	Evnen said he supports requiring voter identification and returning 
Nebraska to a winner-take-all system of awarding electoral votes. He was
 successful this year in getting legislation passed that ensures greater
 security of ballot drop boxes and bans private funding of elections.He
 said he was unaware, until later, that Lancaster County had accepted 
funds from Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg to help pay for costs of the
 2020 election but said such donations are wrong. At least one group, 
Civic Nebraska, defended the acceptance of the so-called “Zuckerbucks,” 
saying the money was used to pay for COVID-19 protective gear for poll 
workers.&nbsp;If campaign spending is any indication, Evnen is not taking the primary race for granted.&nbsp;He
 has spent about $153,000 so far in his re-election bid, according to 
reports filed with the State Accountability and Disclosure Commission. 
His fund-raising included a personal loan of $20,000, as well as a 
$15,000 donation from the Nebraska Realtors Association. (The Secretary 
of State serves as the chair of the Nebraska Real Estate Commission.)<h2>Borer raised $39,000</h2>

	Borer has raised about $39,000 for his challenge, and spent about $31,000, mostly on campaign signs and radio advertising.His biggest contribution has been $5,000 from Regier Equipment of Madrid, Nebraska.Schroder
 did not file a campaign spending report, which is required only if a 
campaign raises or spends at least $5,000 in one year.

Evnen faces primary challenge for Neb. secretary of state

WASHINGTON — President Joe Biden on Friday authorized the shipment of another $150 million in military assistance for Ukraine for artillery rounds and radar systems in its fight against Russia’s invading forces.

Biden said the latest spending means his administration has “nearly exhausted” what Congress authorized for Ukraine in March and called on lawmakers to swiftly approve a more than $33 billion spending package that will last through the end of September.

“We are sending the weapons and equipment that Congress has authorized directly to the front lines of freedom in Ukraine,” Biden said in a statement. “U.S. support, together with the contributions of our Allies and partners, has been critical in helping Ukraine win the battle of Kyiv and hinder Putin’s war aims in Ukraine.”

A U.S. official said the latest tranche of assistance includes 25,000 155mm artillery rounds, counter-artillery radars, jamming equipment, field equipment and spare parts.

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2022/5/1651925439065.png" alt="U.S. Air Force Airmen secure packages of 155 mm howitzer rounds for shipment to Ukraine at Travis Air Force Base last month -photo U.S. Dept.&nbsp; of Defense&nbsp;" />
 <figcaption>U.S. Air Force Airmen secure packages of 155 mm howitzer rounds for shipment to Ukraine at Travis Air Force Base last month -photo U.S. Dept.&nbsp; of Defense&nbsp;</figcaption>
 </figure>WASHINGTON — President Joe Biden on Friday authorized the shipment of another $150 million in military assistance for Ukraine for artillery rounds and radar systems in its fight against Russia’s invading forces.Biden said the latest spending means his administration has “nearly exhausted” what Congress authorized for Ukraine in March and called on lawmakers to swiftly approve a more than $33 billion spending package that will last through the end of September.“We are sending the weapons and equipment that Congress has authorized directly to the front lines of freedom in Ukraine,” Biden said in a statement. “U.S. support, together with the contributions of our Allies and partners, has been critical in helping Ukraine win the battle of Kyiv and hinder Putin’s war aims in Ukraine.”A U.S. official said the latest tranche of assistance includes 25,000 155mm artillery rounds, counter-artillery radars, jamming equipment, field equipment and spare parts.

Biden: US sending Ukraine another $150M in assistance

WASHINGTON (AP) — For the first time, the U.S. came close to providing health care for all during the&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/hub/coronavirus-pandemic">coronavirus pandemic</a>&nbsp;— but for just one condition, COVID-19.

Now, things are reverting to the way they were as federal money for COVID care of the uninsured dries up, creating a potential barrier to timely access.

But the virus is not contained, even if it’s better controlled. And safety-net hospitals and clinics are seeing sharply higher costs for salaries and other basic operating expenses. They fear they won’t be prepared if there’s another surge and no backstop.

“We haven’t turned anybody away yet,” said Dr. Mark Loafman, chair of family and community medicine at Cook County Health in Chicago. “But I think it’s just a matter of time ... People don’t get cancer treatment or blood pressure treatment every day in America because they can’t afford it.”

A $20 billion government COVID program covered testing, treatment and vaccine costs for uninsured people. But that's been shut down. Special Medicaid COVID coverage for the uninsured in more than a dozen states also likely faces its last months.

At Parkland Health, the frontline hospital system for Dallas, Dr. Fred Cerise questions the logic of dialing back federal dollars at a time when health officials have rolled out a new “test-to-treat" strategy. People with COVID-19 can now get&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/biden-covid-business-health-medication-a5adf6c2e7894e479e795b5a6d1aeb84">antiviral pills to take at home</a>, hopefully avoiding hospitalization. Vice President Kamala Harris, who recently tested positive but is back working at the White House,&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/covid-health-kamala-harris-centers-for-disease-control-and-prevention-d822d10c9fbe46d3a09323c2134e5efb">is an example</a>.

“Test-to-treat will be very difficult for uninsured individuals,” predicted Cerise, president and CEO of the system. “If it's a change in strategy on the large scale, and it's coming without funding, people are going to be reluctant to adopt that.”

Officials at the federal Department of Health and Human Services say the new antiviral drugs like Paxlovid have been paid for by taxpayers, and are supposed to be free of charge to patients, even uninsured ones.

But they acknowledge that some uninsured people can't afford the medical consultation needed to get a prescription. “We hear from state and local partners that the lack of funding for the Uninsured Program is creating challenges for individuals to access medications,” said Dr. Meg Sullivan, chief medical officer for the HHS preparedness and response division.

The nation has not pinched pennies on the pandemic before.

“We’re well short of universal health coverage in the U.S., but for a time, we had universal coverage for COVID,” said Larry Levitt, a health policy expert with the nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation. “It was extraordinary.”

Recently an urgent White House request for $22.5 billion for COVID priorities failed to advance in Congress. Even a pared-back version is stuck. Part of the Biden administration's request involves $1.5 billion to replenish the Uninsured Program, which paid for testing, treatment and vaccine-related bills for uninsured patients. The program has now stopped accepting claims due to lack of money.

That program, along with a less known Medicaid option for states, allowed thousands of uninsured people to get care without worrying about costs. Bipartisan support has given way as congressional Republicans raise questions about pandemic spending.

The Uninsured Program was run by the Health Resources and Services Administration, an HHS agency. Medical providers seeing uninsured people could submit their bills for reimbursement. Over the last two years, more than 50,000 hospitals, clinics, and medical practices received payments. Officials say they can turn the program back on if Congress releases more money.

The Medicaid coverage option began under the Trump administration as a way to help states pay for testing uninsured people. President Joe Biden's coronavirus relief bill expanded it to treatment and vaccine costs as well. It’s like a limited insurance policy for COVID. The coverage can't be used for other services, like a knee replacement. The federal government pays 100% of the cost.

Fifteen states, from deep blue California to bright red South Carolina, have taken advantage of the option, along with three U.S. territories. It will end once the federal coronavirus public health emergency is over, currently forecast for later this year.

New Hampshire Medicaid Director Henry Lipman said the coverage option allowed his state to sign up about 9,500 people for COVID care that includes the new antiviral drugs that can be taken at home.

“It's really the safety net for people who don't have any access to insurance,” said Lipman. “It's a limited situation, but in the pandemic it's a good back-up to have. It makes a lot of sense with such a communicable disease.”

With COVID cases now at relatively low levels, demand for testing, treatment and vaccination is down. But the urgency felt by hospitals and other medical service providers is driven by their own bottom lines.

In Missouri, Golden Valley Memorial Healthcare CEO Craig Thompson is worried to see federal funding evaporate just as operating costs are soaring. Staff have gotten raises, drug costs have risen by 20% and supply costs by 12%.

“We’ve now exited this pandemic ... into probably the highest inflationary environment that I’ve seen in my career,” Thompson said. The health system serves a largely rural area between Kansas City and Springfield.

In Kentucky, Family Health Centers of Louisville closed a testing service for uninsured people once federal funds dried up. The private company they were working with planned to charge $65 a test.

Things are manageable now because there's little demand, said spokeswoman Melissa Mather, “but if we get hit with another omicron, it's going to be very difficult.”

Floridian Debra McCoskey-Reisert is uninsured and lost her older brother to COVID-19 in the first wave two years ago. In one of their last conversations, he made her promise she wouldn't catch the virus.

McCoskey-Reisert, who lives north of Tampa, has managed to avoid getting sick so far. But she's overshadowed by fear of what could happen if she or her husband get infected.

“If either one of us get sick with COVID, we don’t have a way to pay for it,” she said. "It would likely bankrupt us if we can’t find some other help.”

<figure>
 <img src="https://media.eaglewebservices.com/public/2021/12/1639778741791.png" alt="A $20 billion government COVID program covered testing, treatment and vaccine costs for uninsured people is over. photo courtesy University of Kansas Health System" />
 <figcaption>A $20 billion government COVID program covered testing, treatment and vaccine costs for uninsured people is over. photo courtesy University of Kansas Health System</figcaption>
 </figure>WASHINGTON (AP) — For the first time, the U.S. came close to providing health care for all during the&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/hub/coronavirus-pandemic">coronavirus pandemic</a>&nbsp;— but for just one condition, COVID-19.Now, things are reverting to the way they were as federal money for COVID care of the uninsured dries up, creating a potential barrier to timely access.But the virus is not contained, even if it’s better controlled. And safety-net hospitals and clinics are seeing sharply higher costs for salaries and other basic operating expenses. They fear they won’t be prepared if there’s another surge and no backstop.“We haven’t turned anybody away yet,” said Dr. Mark Loafman, chair of family and community medicine at Cook County Health in Chicago. “But I think it’s just a matter of time ... People don’t get cancer treatment or blood pressure treatment every day in America because they can’t afford it.”A $20 billion government COVID program covered testing, treatment and vaccine costs for uninsured people. But that's been shut down. Special Medicaid COVID coverage for the uninsured in more than a dozen states also likely faces its last months.At Parkland Health, the frontline hospital system for Dallas, Dr. Fred Cerise questions the logic of dialing back federal dollars at a time when health officials have rolled out a new “test-to-treat" strategy. People with COVID-19 can now get&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/biden-covid-business-health-medication-a5adf6c2e7894e479e795b5a6d1aeb84">antiviral pills to take at home</a>, hopefully avoiding hospitalization. Vice President Kamala Harris, who recently tested positive but is back working at the White House,&nbsp;<a href="https://apnews.com/article/covid-health-kamala-harris-centers-for-disease-control-and-prevention-d822d10c9fbe46d3a09323c2134e5efb">is an example</a>.“Test-to-treat will be very difficult for uninsured individuals,” predicted Cerise, president and CEO of the system. “If it's a change in strategy on the large scale, and it's coming without funding, people are going to be reluctant to adopt that.”Officials at the federal Department of Health and Human Services say the new antiviral drugs like Paxlovid have been paid for by taxpayers, and are supposed to be free of charge to patients, even uninsured ones.But they acknowledge that some uninsured people can't afford the medical consultation needed to get a prescription. “We hear from state and local partners that the lack of funding for the Uninsured Program is creating challenges for individuals to access medications,” said Dr. Meg Sullivan, chief medical officer for the HHS preparedness and response division.The nation has not pinched pennies on the pandemic before.“We’re well short of universal health coverage in the U.S., but for a time, we had universal coverage for COVID,” said Larry Levitt, a health policy expert with the nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation. “It was extraordinary.”Recently an urgent White House request for $22.5 billion for COVID priorities failed to advance in Congress. Even a pared-back version is stuck. Part of the Biden administration's request involves $1.5 billion to replenish the Uninsured Program, which paid for testing, treatment and vaccine-related bills for uninsured patients. The program has now stopped accepting claims due to lack of money.That program, along with a less known Medicaid option for states, allowed thousands of uninsured people to get care without worrying about costs. Bipartisan support has given way as congressional Republicans raise questions about pandemic spending.The Uninsured Program was run by the Health Resources and Services Administration, an HHS agency. Medical providers seeing uninsured people could submit their bills for reimbursement. Over the last two years, more than 50,000 hospitals, clinics, and medical practices received payments. Officials say they can turn the program back on if Congress releases more money.The Medicaid coverage option began under the Trump administration as a way to help states pay for testing uninsured people. President Joe Biden's coronavirus relief bill expanded it to treatment and vaccine costs as well. It’s like a limited insurance policy for COVID. The coverage can't be used for other services, like a knee replacement. The federal government pays 100% of the cost.Fifteen states, from deep blue California to bright red South Carolina, have taken advantage of the option, along with three U.S. territories. It will end once the federal coronavirus public health emergency is over, currently forecast for later this year.New Hampshire Medicaid Director Henry Lipman said the coverage option allowed his state to sign up about 9,500 people for COVID care that includes the new antiviral drugs that can be taken at home.“It's really the safety net for people who don't have any access to insurance,” said Lipman. “It's a limited situation, but in the pandemic it's a good back-up to have. It makes a lot of sense with such a communicable disease.”With COVID cases now at relatively low levels, demand for testing, treatment and vaccination is down. But the urgency felt by hospitals and other medical service providers is driven by their own bottom lines.In Missouri, Golden Valley Memorial Healthcare CEO Craig Thompson is worried to see federal funding evaporate just as operating costs are soaring. Staff have gotten raises, drug costs have risen by 20% and supply costs by 12%.“We’ve now exited this pandemic ... into probably the highest inflationary environment that I’ve seen in my career,” Thompson said. The health system serves a largely rural area between Kansas City and Springfield.In Kentucky, Family Health Centers of Louisville closed a testing service for uninsured people once federal funds dried up. The private company they were working with planned to charge $65 a test.Things are manageable now because there's little demand, said spokeswoman Melissa Mather, “but if we get hit with another omicron, it's going to be very difficult.”Floridian Debra McCoskey-Reisert is uninsured and lost her older brother to COVID-19 in the first wave two years ago. In one of their last conversations, he made her promise she wouldn't catch the virus.McCoskey-Reisert, who lives north of Tampa, has managed to avoid getting sick so far. But she's overshadowed by fear of what could happen if she or her husband get infected.“If either one of us get sick with COVID, we don’t have a way to pay for it,” she said. "It would likely bankrupt us if we can’t find some other help.”Retrenchment on the uninsured mirrors some of the bigger problems of the U.S. health care system, said Chicago hospital physician Loafman.“Quite frankly, we as a society take care of the uninsured for COVID because it’s affecting us," he said. "You know, a gated community doesn’t keep a virus out ... that’s sort of the ugly truth of this, is that our altruism around this was really self-motivated.”___